A company registered on a Sarajevo backstreet with no significant project history is on the verge of winning contracts worth over $1 billion to build and operate a major gas pipeline across the Balkans. AAFS Infrastructure and Energy has attracted the backing of the Trump administration despite raising red flags about competitive bidding and potential conflicts of interest.
The venture connects two figures with deep ties to Donald Trump and his political movement. Jesse Binnall, a lawyer who led efforts to overturn the 2020 election results and defended Trump against Capitol riot lawsuits, is based at the firm's Washington office address. Joe Flynn, brother of Trump's former national security adviser Michael Flynn, serves as a healthcare entrepreneur and was president of the America Project, one of the best-funded vehicles in the campaign to discredit Joe Biden's victory.
Local ownership falls to Amer Bekan, a Sarajevo entrepreneur who unsuccessfully ran for mayor in 2016 with 116 votes and faced accusations of electoral misconduct in 2020, which he denied. Bekan registered the Bosnian company in 2021 but only achieved prominence after bringing in his American partners last year. When contacted, neither he nor his partners would explain how they were introduced.
The Southern Interconnection pipeline represents a strategic priority for Washington. It would connect Bosnia to a gas terminal on Croatia's coast, reducing European dependence on Russian energy. Past administrations backed the project, but delays stemmed from competing interests among Bosnia's ethnic factions. The current push gained momentum after Bosnian officials, hoping to break deadlock, suggested enlisting AAFS after initial discussions about a $300 million airport renovation.
What distinguishes this arrangement is the absence of competitive bidding. In March, new Bosnian legislation designated AAFS as the pipeline contractor without a tender process that would normally ensure competent bidders and fair pricing. Transparency International warned that such practices in a country ranking among Europe's most corrupt would produce catastrophic consequences for strategically vital projects.
The confidential proposal outlines a pipeline costing roughly $300 million, plus another $900 million for three power plants. Financing is expected from American investment funds and debt rather than the Bosnian state, though the proposal does not specify what returns the principals expect.
The geopolitical stakes extend beyond business opportunity. The pipeline's success depends partly on the goodwill of Milorad Dodik, the ultranationalist Serb leader who controls territory the pipeline must cross. Under Bosnia's power-sharing system, his faction could veto the project. Dodik, allied with Vladimir Putin and benefiting from existing Russian gas supplies, previously faced Trump administration sanctions for corruption allegations. In October, without stated explanation, those sanctions were cancelled.
Dodik then launched a multimillion-dollar lobbying campaign to cultivate Trump administration support. Michael Flynn was among the lobbyists, earning $100,000 for a month's work. In April, Donald Trump Jr, custodian of the family business, visited Banja Luka for an event in his honor. During remarks there, he extolled the benefits of buying American gas and called it a major geopolitical opportunity, though he did not specifically mention the pipeline or AAFS.
Binnall has already benefited from proximity to power. Since Trump's return to office, he secured a $1.25 million settlement from the Justice Department on behalf of Michael Flynn, who admitted lying to the FBI but claimed wrongful prosecution.
The firm's lack of demonstrated capacity to execute a project of this magnitude troubles some observers. Binnall responded to scrutiny by saying the team combines on-the-ground presence in Bosnia with strong American backing and described the venture as an exciting leap. The State Department justified the push on familiar grounds, emphasizing energy diversification and reduced dependence on unreliable sources.
Some senior Bosnian officials view the American connection as a way to ensure security and investment protection in a region haunted by war. Others worry that ceding control of vital infrastructure to a firm with no relevant track record simply replaces one form of external pressure with another. Former US ambassador to Bosnia Michael Murphy said those embracing this arrangement are playing with fire.
Author James Rodriguez: "This deal looks less like smart infrastructure policy and more like a master class in converting political access into billion-dollar windfalls."
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